Europe’s Open Door Came With a Bill

French teenagers have spent five weeks blockading their own schools, and on October 17 the anger spilled into the streets. By October 13, the Justice Ministry had counted nearly 8,000 people placed in police custody, about 85 percent of them minors, and 2,735 facing prosecution. After Saturday’s protests, Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez reported nearly 1,800 arrests and more than 500 police, gendarmes, and firefighters injured. Weeks earlier, the education minister had counted 24 schools burned or ransacked. On Sunday, Emmanuel Macron told the nation that those who destroyed must pay and those who looted must repay, while conceding that many marchers worry about living costs and fuel prices. The students want more teachers, repaired buildings, and smaller classes. Immigration isn’t on the list.

What the protests do show is a state with no room to maneuver. France’s public debt reached 119 percent of GDP, a level not seen since 1946, and the government’s budget projects 121.7 percent by the end of 2027, with interest rising from 79.2 billion euros this year to 91.2 billion. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu is hunting for 54 billion euros in savings. The 2027 bill gives schools 1.1 billion euros more than this year, which sounds generous until you notice the interest bill climbs about 12 billion. A government in that position struggles to fix a leaky roof, let alone absorb a migration commitment nobody priced. Mass migration without assimilation is an open-ended spending obligation, and Western European treasuries are now paying it.

I’ve spent three decades reading balance sheets, and as an expert witness, I’ve watched what happens when liabilities outrun assets. You count the liabilities before you sign. In the cases I’ve worked, the damages grow every month as someone hides a liability from the people who will pay it. Governments follow the same math. Much of Europe signed first and hoped for the best.

Start in France. The national statistics agency counts 8 million immigrants, 11.6 percent of the population, on provisional 2025 estimates. Its 2025 data put unemployment at 13.8 percent for people born in Africa and 10.4 percent for those born in Europe, against 6.5 percent for people with no migration background. French-born descendants of African immigrants fare worse, at 16.1 percent against 6.7 percent for descendants of European immigrants. A country that can’t put newcomers to work ends up paying them to wait.