After the Ayatollah

Something has changed in the Iran nuclear negotiation that many analysts are not fully accounting for. The military balance between the United States and Iran has shifted more dramatically than at any point since the Islamic Republic acquired its first centrifuges. Iran’s air defense shield, the infrastructure that for years effectively concealed and protected its nuclear program, has been destroyed. Its proxies are severely degraded. Its economy is under sanctions and naval blockade pressure that is genuinely unprecedented. Its nuclear sites have been damaged. Trump built leverage that no American president has come close to matching, and he is bringing it to the table.

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The question is not whether Trump will press for his terms. He has made clear he will, and those terms—principally the physical removal of enriched uranium from Iranian soil and a permanent prohibition on nuclear weapons—are the deal the United States and the broader Middle East need. The question is whether Iran will accept them. And beneath that sits a harder one: Will the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which has its own theory of deterrence and its own institutional equities in the nuclear program, allow any agreement to hold?

Both questions matter. Neither has a clean answer.

The strategic landscape today bears almost no resemblance to 2015, when the last deal was struck. When the Obama administration concluded the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran’s regional power was intact. Hezbollah was the most formidable non-state military force in the Middle East. The Houthis were an insurgency, not a force capable of threatening Red Sea shipping lanes. Hamas governed Gaza with operational freedom. Iran’s air defenses, built over decades with Russian and Chinese assistance, provided real protection for nuclear infrastructure deep inside Iranian territory. The pressure on Tehran was economic—real, but not existential.

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None of that is true today.

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