From President-elect Trump’s perspective, however, these apparent bugs look more like features. One trillion dollars in handouts to private companies is a huge opportunity for a politician who has only a rudimentary political machine in place. When it comes time for reelection, Trump will need a base of well-heeled and influential supporters. Traditional Republicans have energy and other business interests. Democrats have Silicon Valley, unions, and Hollywood. Trump has almost no one, and privatizing America’s infrastructure gives him a chance to build a coalition of private construction companies, lawyers, consultants, financiers, and others. This is a business he knows well, a world in which he already has plenty of contacts.
So critics should be aware that what they see as fatal flaws in the plan may, from Trump’s point of view, be huge advantages. Meanwhile, they should know that the America’s and Europe’s experiences with privatization suggest it could work very well. The way America currently builds infrastructure is hugely inefficient and costs can be multiples of what they would be in similar European contexts. There’s a ton of room for improvement. Trump’s infrastructure plan may ultimately appear relatively inexpensive and efficient to taxpayers while simultaneously building him a powerful and durable political machine that is financially dependent on his reelection. Four years is a small window, and shovel-ready projects are hard to find, but if Trump can make some high-profile improvements, he’ll build a lot of political capital. Meanwhile, he’ll have thousands of businesses indebted to him, and very keen on the prospect of him staying in power.
Building roads is a time-tested way to win voters’ hearts. Infrastructure investment may also turn out to be Trump’s master strategy for constructing a formidable political machine.
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