But on my reading, the liberal case for a policy of unilateral free trade has from the start (and ever since) not been much infected with naïve globalism. It has focused overwhelmingly on the benefits of free trade to people of the home country. Arguments that might be described as ‘global cosmopolitanism’ have never played a role that’s more than peripheral role in the liberal campaign for free trade.
Yet the false impression that liberal advocates of free trade naively ignore the salience of the nation-state is indeed widespread. This impression is created, however, not by free trade’s liberal supporters, but instead by free trade’s illiberal opponents. Whether out of ignorance or cunning, a familiar protectionist tactic is to falsely accuse advocates of free trade of putting the interests of foreigners on a par with, or even ahead of, the interests of fellow citizens.
A few years ago, for example, just before he and I were to debate free trade at Hillsdale college, the outspoken protectionist Ian Fletcher asked me why American libertarians are so willing to put the interests of foreigners over the interests of Americans. Fletcher seemed genuinely to believe that free-traders’ foundational argument is that free trade enriches poor countries by more than it impoverishes rich countries and, therefore, free trade is justified by a cosmopolitan utilitarian calculation.
If we free traders really made our case on such grounds, we would indeed deserve much of the blame for whatever skepticism the public has of free trade.
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